...that forcibly establishing a Jewish state in Palestine against the wishes of its pre-existing non-Jewish majority - a state which would be surrounded by 200 million Arabs and one billion Muslims who are overwhelmingly sympathetic to the plight of the pre-existing population, and which would require for its continuing existence the repeated involvement of those Western powers who engineered its creation in the first place - would turn out to be a source of perpetual grievance and escalating instability that threatens regional war involving the countries of the entire Mid East and far beyond...
Mr. President, before I proceed with this subject, I would ask your permission to refer to the draft resolution which has been tabled by the representative of Norway (document A/308). Perhaps you will recall that I took the earliest opportunity in the General Committee to bring up this subject, and I appealed to everyone concerned that peace should be the aim of all, in so far as Palestine is concerned...
Today we have heard this appeal again. Is it too much to ask everyone concerned that in the land which is the birthplace of the Prince of Peace, they should make every conceivable effort to maintain peace?
But peace can never be born except of justice. You cannot just go on talking of peace. In fact, this expression becomes pharisaical, if it is not implemented by the greatest assurance of complete justice. Justice alone can give birth to peace…
The time has now come when the conscience of humanity must be aroused to the fact that that land shall remain the sanctuary and shrine of peace for ever. It must be kept away from the tangles of power politics. All those who have dreams of finding there the baker's oven, from which issued the great deluge of Noah, must stay their hands. Leave this land alone. Let this land settle down to eternal peace and let it become the fountain-head of spiritual ideas which it was before.
Therefore, when I appeal for peace, it is not in a conventional way; it is not in a pharisaical way, it is not in any formal manner. This appeal for peace in Palestine springs from the bottom of my heart, and I hope I am echoing the feelings of all human beings upon the earth.
Palestine has become the acid test of human conscience. The United Nations will find that upon its decision will depend the future of humanity; they will decide whether humanity is going to proceed by peaceful means or humanity is going to be torn to pieces. If a wrong decision comes from this august Assembly, you may take it from me that the world shall be cut in twain and there shall be no peace upon earth.
The world has already experienced two great catastrophes. The stains of blood are still there. The whole of Europe bears the stains. Asia also bears the stains of blood which men spilled; which one brother spilled by killing another brother. Why? Is there not enough of human labour, of the riches of this earth, of skill, which we may pool together to produce a happier and better world? Must we go on warring and warring--for what? Every twenty-five years, we send the flower of nations to the battlefront; the accumulated wealth of centuries, whether acquired by imperialistic means or otherwise, goes down to the bottom of the sea or up in smoke, the entire structure of the world is left shattered, shard upon shard, and it takes us years and years and years to rebuild. It is our duty, if we have any conscience at all, to avoid such a situation.
Unfortunately, Palestine threatens to become the baker's oven from which the deluge of blood may once again rise. That is what I fear.
For two days, I have been in utter agony because I know what is moving behind all this. I have tried to do my level best by everyone, in my own humble way. I am a very insignificant, a very humble person, although I represent a great country, although I carry the votes of four hundred million people--no, more--I carry the votes of four hundred million people of my country, of eighty million people of Indonesia, and many more millions of Malaysia and Burma who are not represented here. I carry their moral votes with me.
I carry also the message of their conscience: do justice by Palestine. Do not be moved by power politics; do not be moved by economic interests. This is a land which must be considered holy, holy to all three great religions which arose there; and all the sacred places must be held sacred. They must be secure against desecration. Therefore, do not introduce your petty, nationalistic, small affairs there, and do not make it a group affair. That is the message of their conscience. …
Let me leave this sentimental ground, because perhaps there are also some materialistic people in the world who would like to see the other side of the picture. I put aside this appeal for peace, and I shall now consider the purely legalistic aspect of this question.
The representatives of the Arab States find themselves greatly perturbed because they feel that if the words "independence of Palestine" are not mentioned in the terms of reference, there must be some doubt in the minds of the United Nations as to whether Palestine should be free or not, whether Palestine should ever be treated as a sovereign independent State or not.
Mr. Muniz, the representative of Brazil, made an eloquent speech yesterday in which he reminded everyone that, from the first, the United Nations had no other purpose but to assure the implementation of the original principle laid down in Article 22 of the Covenant of the League, which contemplated nothing else but independence for Palestine. I would beg you to believe the words of all those who have spoken, either in the committees or here in the General Assembly. Trust them, give them a chance. I know it is the acid test of the conscience of the United Nations, but give them a chance. Do not misjudge them. Do not begin to feel that from now on, justice will not be done by Palestine or Palestinians. You lose nothing. After all, it is merely a matter of another few weeks. This committee will sit, collect data, come to its conclusions, and bring its recommendations before this Assembly. If this Assembly by any chance, or mischance, forgets its duty and the independence of Palestine goes by the board, you will be free to do exactly as you like. Who says you should not? Nobody can compel you.
This is the experiment which we have carried out in India. We had no arms; four hundred million people were utterly unarmed. Twenty-seven years ago we determined, we resolved to achieve our independence. We had to battle against the mightiest empire of the world. What has been the result? We said to ourselves, "You can kill us, you can destroy us, but you cannot get us to do the wrong thing. We are independent; we shall see that nobody treats us otherwise than as independent people."
Thank goodness we can look into the eyes of independent people today and say, "We are also independent".
Do not think of constitutionality; it is the determination of a people that counts--I know. The Palestinians have a determination of their own. No one can possibly wipe that determination out; no, not even the United Nations. They can wipe out Palestine, they can wipe out the Palestinians, but they cannot wipe out the determination, the soul of the people. Do not be impatient…
Whatever your doubts may be and however angry you may otherwise feel, I would request you--I am addressing myself to the Members of the Arab States--to be patient. I am glad that whatever you have said does not mean that you are not going to be patient.
All you have said is that you want to reserve the position of your Governments. I am very glad you said that. However, allow me to sound a word of caution: everyone is endorsing this appeal for peace. By maintaining peace, you will be strengthening your case. Whoever violates the peace of Palestine will have to go to the dock to answer. Finally, it is open to you to maintain peace or not to maintain peace. It is none of my business. Personally, I should like to see peace established all over the world.
I know very well that if the peace of Palestine is disturbed, the third great world war will definitely be precipitated. I have no doubt of that. There are powers ranged on all sides. Some pessimists, who may be forgiven, are already predicting that certain interests would like a situation to be precipitated so that a great conflagration might take place which would shake to its very foundations this great structure of civilization, so that a new order of civilization might arise out of the wreckage. I am not one of those pessimists.
I do not believe in all that. I do not think there are any human beings on earth who would like to see such a situation. However, there are very doubtful factors ahead of you. No good can come to the Middle East if such a situation should ever arise.
Why? Because the Middle East will be bombed from both sides. We know what happened to Burma. First it was the Japanese, then it was the United Kingdom, then again the Japanese, and then the United States. The whole economic structure of Burma was seriously crippled.
No good can come to the Middle East. Not only to the Middle East, but no good can ever come to the East, and that is why we in India will not allow anything to happen which would mean a big war. That is why our first political interest lies in the maintenance of peace in the Mediterranean and, therefore, in Palestine. Even from the political angle, we do not want war…
-- Address to the 79th Plenary Meeting of the UN General Assembly, by Mr Asif Ali (India’s Representative to the UN); 15 May 1947.
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